لي كوان يو

(تم التحويل من Lee Kuan Yew)
في هذا article، اسم العائلة هو Lee (李).
"LKY" redirects here. For the badminton player, see Loh Kean Yew. For the airport, see Lake Manyara Airport.
لي كوان يو

GCMG CH SPMJ DK
李光耀
Lee Kuan Yew
Lee Kuan Yew.jpg
رئيس وزراء سنغافورة الأول
في المنصب
3 يونيو 1959 – 28 نوفمبر 1990
الرئيسيوسف بن إسحاق (1965-1970)
بنجامين هنري شيرز (1970-1981)
س.ڤ. دڤان ناير (1981-1985)
وي كيم وي (1985-1993)
النائبتوه چين چيه (1959 إلى 1968)
گو كنگ سوي (1968 إلى 1984)
س. راجارانتام (1980 إلى 1985)
گو تشوك تونگ (1985 إلى 1990)
اونگ تنگ چونگ (1985 إلى 1990)
سبقهلا أحد (منصب مستحدث)
خلـَفهگو تشوك تونگ
الدائرة الانتخابيةدائرة تمثيل مجموعة تانجونگ پگار الانتخابية (تانجونگ پگار)
الوزير الأكبر
في المنصب
28 نوفمبر 1990 – 12 أغسطس 2004
الرئيسوي كيم وي (1985-1993)
اونگ تنگ چونگ (1993-1999)
س.ر. ناثان (1999-الحاضر)
سبقهس. راجاراتنام
خلـَفهگو تشوك تونگ
الوزير الناصح
في المنصب
12 أغسطس 2004 – 21 مايو 2011
الرئيسس.ر. ناثان (1999-الآن)
رئيس الوزراءلي شيين لونگ (2004-للحاضر)
سبقهمنصب مستحدث
الأمين العام لحزب الحراك الشعبي
في المنصب
21 نوفمبر 1954 – 1 نوفمبر 1992
سبقهمنصب مستحدث
خلـَفهGoh Chok Tong
Ministerial offices
Minister Mentor of Singapore
في المنصب
12 August 2004 – 20 May 2011
رئيس الوزراءLee Hsien Loong
سبقهOffice established
خلـَفهOffice abolished
Senior Minister of Singapore
في المنصب
28 November 1990 – 12 August 2004
رئيس الوزراءGoh Chok Tong
سبقهS. Rajaratnam
خلـَفهGoh Chok Tong
Parliamentary offices
Member of the Malaysian Parliament
for Singapore
في المنصب
2 November 1963 – 9 August 1965[1]
عضو البرلمان
عن {{{constituency_عضو البرلمان}}}
في المنصب
2 أبريل 1955 – 23 مارس 2015
سبقهدائرة مستحدثة
خلـَفهIndranee Rajah
الدائرة الانتخابية
تفاصيل شخصية
وُلِد
Harry Lee Kuan Yew

16 سبتمبر 1923 (العمر 102 سنة)
سنغافورة
توفي23 مارس 2015(2015-03-23) (aged 91)
مستشفى سنغافورة العام، سنغافورة
سبب الوفاةالتهاب رئوي
الحزبحزب الحراك الشعبي
الزوجكوا گيوك چو (1950–2010)
الأنجالشيين لونگ
وِيْ لينگ
شيين يانگ
الأمچوا جيم نيو
الأبلي چين كون
التعليم
التوقيع
Chinese name
الصينية李光耀
النقحرة
المندرينية الفصحى
هان‌يو پن‌ينLǐ Guāngyào
بوپوموفوㄌㄧˇ ㄍㄨㄤ ㄧㄠˋ
ويد-جايلزLi3 Kuang1-yao4
پن‌ين تونگ‌يونگLǐ Guang-yào
رومنة يلLǐ Gwāngyàu
IPA[lì kwɑ́ŋ.jɑ̂ʊ]
هاكا
الرومنةLí Kông-yeu
يوى: كانتونية
رومنة يلLeíh Gwōngjiuh
جيوتپنگlei5 gwong1 jiu6
IPA[lej˩˧ kʷɔŋ˥ jiw˨]
مين الجنوبية
هوك‌ين POJLí Kong-iāu

لي كوان يو Lee Kuan Yew, GCMG، CH (صينية تقليدية: 李光耀; پن‌ين: Lǐ Guāngyào; ولد 16 سبتمبر 1923 - 23 مارس 2015؛ وأحياناً يـُكتـَب Lee Kwan-Yew) هو سنغافوري ينحدر من مهاجرين صينيين. وكان أول رئيس وزراء لجمهورية سنغافورة من 1959 إلى 1990.

In 1954, Lee co-founded the People's Action Party (PAP), which won significant support among the working class. He secured a seat in the Tanjong Pagar division during the 1955 general election, becoming the de facto leader of the opposition. In 1959, Lee led to the PAP's first electoral victory, becoming Singapore's first Prime Minister. Seeking full sovereignty from Britain, Lee campaigned for a merger with other former British territories in a national referendum to form Malaysia in 1963. Racial strife and ideological differences later led to Singapore's expulsion from Malaysia and subsequent independence in 1965, less than two years after the merger. As Prime Minister, Lee oversaw major economic reforms, urban development, and instituted policies promoting meritocracy, multiracialism, and anti-corruption. However, his administration was often described as harbouring authoritarian and nanny-like tendencies, noted for restrictions on press freedoms, public assembly, and labour activism, In addition, Elections under Lee were free in form but unfair in practice, favouring his party through legal and institutional controls. Lee had defended these measures as necessary for national stability and progress.

Lee stepped down as Prime Minister in 1990 but continued to serve in the Cabinet as Senior Minister until 2004 and subsequently as Minister Mentor until his retirement in 2011. Throughout his political career, he remained an influential figure in shaping Singapore's domestic and foreign policies. Lee died of pneumonia on 23 March 2015 at the age of 91. His death prompted a week of national mourning, during which approximately 1.7 million people paid their respects at Parliament House and various tribute sites. Widely respected and occasionally controversial, Lee remains highly regarded by Singaporeans and left a profound and enduring legacy on the country's development and governance model, with his values now studied at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy.

وفي ظل حكمه أصبحت سنغافورة واحدة من أكثر أقطار آسيا ازدهارًا، وقد مارست حكومته سيطرة قوية على اقتصاد الدولة ونظامها السياسي. استقال لي من رئاسة الوزراء عام 1990، وخلفه گوه تشوك تونگ. غير أن لي بقي شخصية سياسية مهمة بوصفه رئيسًا لحزبه السياسي، ووزيرًا كبيرًا في مجلس وزراء گوه تشوك تونگ. استمر لي واحداً من أكثر الشخصيات السياسية نفوذاً في جنوب شرق آسيا. فتحت إدارة ثاني رئيس وزراء لسنغافورة، گو تشوك تونگ، أصبح لي الوزير الأكبر. ويشغل حالياً منصباً آخر خلقه لنفسه وهو الوزير المفكر Minister Mentor تحت رئاسة ابنه لي شيين لونگ، الذي أصبح ثالث رئيس وزراء لهذه البلاد في 12 أغسطس، 2004.

النشأة

الطفولة والتعليم المبكر

لي طفلاً

في مذكراته، يشير لي إلى أصوله المهاجرة بوصفه نفسه "سنغافوري صيني من الجيل الرابع": فأبو جده من قومية هاكا، لي بوك بون (مواليد 1846)، هاجر من مركز داپو في مقاطعة گوانگ‌دونگ إلى مستوطنات المضائق في 1862.

ولد لي في سنغافورة، ودرس في كلية رافلز بسنغافورة. وفي عام 1949 تخرج في جامعة كمبردج بإنجلترا بدرجة جامعية في القانون. عاد لي إلى سنغافورة عام 1951 وأصبح محاميًا عماليًا. وقد ساعد في تأسيس حزب العمل الشعبي، أكبر الأحزاب في سنغافورة عام 1954، ثم أصبح لي رئيسًا للوزراء عام 1959م حين حصلت سنغافورة على الحكم الذاتي وبقي لي رئيسًا للوزراء بين عامي 1963 و1965 بينما كانت سنغافورة جزءًا من اتحاد ماليزيا. واستمر لي في ذلك المنصب بعد أن أصبحت سنغافورة دولة مستقلة عام 1965.

زعيم المعارضة (1955–1959)

الإضرابات والصراع الى السلطة

Any man in Singapore who wants to carry the Chinese-speaking people with him cannot afford to be anti-Communist. The Chinese are very proud of China. If I had to choose between colonialism and communism, I would vote for communism and so would the great majority.

Lee to an Australian journalist a week before the riot[3]

On 23 April 1955, workers from the Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company began a strike under the direction of Fong Swee Suan, leader of the Singapore Buses Workers' Union (SBWU).[4][5] As SBWU's legal advisor, Lee worked with Marshall's government to negotiate a resolution, which was initially agreed by the SBWU but then reneged on by the company.[6] Seeking to exert greater pressure, Lee, Fong and Lim Chin Siong addressed the strikers on 1 May (May Day), where Lee called the government a "half-past six democracy".[7] The strike subsequently escalated into a riot on 12 May.[8]

Lee, Marshall and the company agreed on a further resolution on 14 May, which conceded to several of the strikers' demands.[9] In an emergency legislative assembly sitting on 16 May, Chief Secretary William Goode accused Lee of losing control of the PAP to Lim.[6] Lee was constrained between defending the actions of his colleagues and denouncing them, instead reiterating the PAP's committal to non-violence.[10] Marshall defended him and the PAP as "decent men" against Goode's accusations and called upon the party to "purge themselves of communists".[6][9]

The riot led the public to perceive the PAP as being led by "young, immature and troublesome politicians", resulting in a shortfall of new members.[11] It deepened the divide between two emerging factions, with Lee's faction advocating Fabian's brand of socialism for gradual reform and Lim's faction, later described by Fong as "favour(ing) a more radical approach".[12] Lee was convinced that Lim and Fong's influence were pushing the party toward "political disaster".[3] After consulting his allies Toh Chin Chye, S. Rajaratnam and Byrne, Lee censured the two men privately and demanded they change strategies or leave the party.[13]

By 1956, Lee believed that the PAP "had been captured by the communists" and privately endorsed the Labour Front government purge of suspected "leftists" in the aftermath of the 1956 Chinese middle schools riots. The arrestees included his rival Lim and several other PAP members.[14] When other leftist members captured six seats in the PAP central executive committee (CEC) elections on 4 August 1957,[15] Lee refused to allow his allies to assume their appointments and said that his faction had "lost their moral right" to enforce the party's founding philosophy.[16] Overtures were made by fellow CEC member T. T. Rajah to remain in his post, to which he declined.[15] The government arrested the leftist leaders on 22 August[17][18] and Lee was restored as secretary-general on 20 October. He later blamed the attempted takeover on lax admission rules to the party[19][20] and permanently distrusted the leftists thereafter.[18][19] On 23 November 1958, the party constitution was amended to implement a cadre system.[20] The right to vote in party elections and run for office were revoked from ordinary party members, whom now had to seek approval from the CEC to be a cadre and regain these privileges.[21] Lee credited the Vatican system where the pope pre-selects its cardinals for the idea.[22]

محادثات مرديكا

The Labour Front government's conciliatory approach to the Hock Lee strikers led to a drastic increase in strikes.[9] Frustrated by his limited powers, Marshall demanded further constitutional reforms towards the aim of "true self-government". Lee supported Marshall in his efforts, though he initially threatened an opposition boycott over wording disputes in the agreement.[23]

Between 1956 and 1958, there would be three rounds of constitutional talks.[24] Lee was part of Marshall's 13-member delegation to London in April 1956. Marshall's demands for independence were repeatedly rejected by Colonial Secretary Alan Lennox-Boyd and Lee departed early over Marshall's refusal to compromise.[25][26] He criticised Marshall for his "political ineptitude" in the British press and received widespread media and radio coverage.[27] He returned to London in March 1957 as part of a five-member delegation led by the new chief minister Lim Yew Hock.[28] Britain conceded to Singapore's self-governance but also demanded that a tripartite Internal Security Council be established, which proved controversial back home.[28] Marshall challenged Lee to seek a fresh mandate from his Tanjong Pagar constituents, which Lee accepted.[29] In the June 1957 by-elections, Lee was reelected with 68.1% of the vote.[30]

Lee returned to London for the third and final talks in May 1958,[31] where it was agreed that Singapore would assume self-governance with a Yang di-Pertuan Negara as head of state, with Britain retaining control of defence and foreign policy.[32] The British House of Lords passed the State of Singapore Act on 24 July 1958, which received royal assent on 1 August, and would become law following the next general election.[33]

انتخابات 1957 و 1959

As the 1957 City Council election in December approached, a Hokkien-speaking candidate, Ong Eng Guan, became the PAP's new face to the Chinese electorate.[18] The 32-seat city council's functions were restricted to up-keeping public amenities within city limits, but party leaders decided to contest the election as a "dry run" for the upcoming general election.[34] Lee limited the PAP to contesting 14 seats to avoid provoking the government and formed an electoral pact with the Labour Front and United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) to jointly tackle the new Liberal Socialist Party.[أ][36] The PAP campaigned on a slogan to "sweep the city clean"[35] and emerged with 13 seats, allowing it to form a minority administration with UMNO's support. Lee and the rest of the CEC unanimously endorsed Ong to become mayor.[34]

صورة خارجية
Portrait of Lee being sworn in as Prime Minister of Singapore
National Heritage Board

Early in 1959, Communications and Works Minister Francis Thomas received evidence of corruption on Education Minister Chew Swee Kee. Thomas brought the evidence to Lee after the chief minister dismissed the matter.[37] Lee tabled a motion in the assembly on 17 February, which forced Chew's resignation.[37] As the expiry of the assembly's term approached, the PAP was initially split on whether to capture power but Lee chose to proceed.[38] While picking the candidates, Lee deliberately chose people from different racial and education backgrounds to repair the party's image of being run by intellectuals.[39] In the 1959 general election held on 30 May 1959, the PAP won a landslide victory with 43 of the 51 seats, though with only 53.4% of the popular vote which Lee noted.[39][40]

The PAP's victory reportedly created a dilemma within the 12-member CEC as there was no formal process in place to choose a prime minister-elect.[41] A vote was purportedly held between Lee and Ong Eng Guan and after both men received six votes, party chairman Toh Chin Chye cast the tie-breaking vote for Lee.[42] When interviewed nearly five decades later, Toh and one other party member recalled the vote, but Lee and several others denied the account.[42] Lee was summoned by Governor William Goode to form a new government on 1 June, to which he requested the release of arrested PAP members.[43] On 3 June, Singapore became a self-governing state, ending 140 years of direct British rule.[43] Lee was sworn in as Prime Minister of Singapore on 5 June at City Hall, along with the rest of his Cabinet.[43]

رئيس وزراء، قبل الإستقلال - 1959 إلى 1965

إدارة الحكم الذاتي - 1959 إلى 1963

صورة لأعضاء حزب العمل الشعبي، ومنهم "لي"، أثناء الحملة الانتخابية عام 1959 . الزي الموحد الأبيض مازال مميزاً لحزب PAP.
أخبر لي كوان يو السنغافوريين أن الإسرائيليين الذين تم جلبهم لتدريب الجيش كانوا مكسيكيين حتى لا يزعجوا المسلمين الملايو.

في الانتخابات العامة المنعقدة في 30 مايو 1959، فاز حزب الحراك الشعبي بـ43 مقعداً من 51 مقعد في المجلس التشريعي. وحصلت سنغافورة على الحكم الذاتي مع استقلال ذاتي في كل شئون الدولة ماعدا الدفاع والعلاقات الخارجية، وأصبح لي أول رئيس وزراء لسنغافورة في 3 يونيو 1959، ليحل محل كبير الوزراء ليم يو هوك.[44]

الحدث الرئيسي كان اقتراع حجب الثقة عن الحكومة، والذي خرج فيه 13 عضواً من حزب الحراك على الحزب وامتنعوا عن التصويت في 21 يوليو 1961. ومع ستة من الزعماء البارزين ذوي الميول اليسارية من النقابات العمالية، أسس المنشقون حزباً جديداً، باريسان سوسياليس.

الاندماج مع الملايو، ثم الإنفصال - 1963 إلى 1965

بعد أن اقترح رئيس وزراء الملايو تونكو عبد الرحمن تشكيل اتحاد كان سيضم مالايا، سنغافورة، صباح وسرواك في 1961، بدأ لي حملة للاندماج مع ماليزيا لإنهاء الحكم الإستعماري البريطاني. وقد استعمل نتائج الإستفتاء الذي أجري في 1 سبتمبر 1962، والذي فيه كانت 70% من الأصوات مؤيدة لاقتراحه، ليوضح أن الشعب يؤيد خطته. ومن خلال العملية Coldstore، سحق لي الجماعات المتعاطفة مع الشيوعية التي كانت معارضة بشدة للإندماج والتي اُشيع عنها انخراطها في أنشطة هدامة.

تونكو عبد الرحمن ولي كوان يو في حفل اندماج سنغافورة في ماليزيا.

وفي 16 سبتمبر 1963، أصبحت سنغافورة جزءاً من اتحاد ماليزيا. إلا أن هذا الاتحاد كان قصير العمر. فالحكومة المركزية الماليزية، التي كانت تحكم من خلال المنظمة الوطنية للملايو المتحدين United Malays National Organisation (UMNO)، أضحت قلقة من ضم الغالبية الصينية بسنغافورة والتحدي السياسي من حزبهم PAP في ماليزيا. عارض لي، جهاراً، سياسة بوميپوترا bumiputra واستخدم الهتاف الشهير لمؤتمر التضامن الماليزي Malaysian Solidarity Convention "ماليزيا الماليزية!"، أي أمة تخدم القومية الماليزية، وليس فقط عرق الملايو. توترت العلاقات بين PAP و UMNO بشدة. بل ورغب البعض في UMNO في إلقاء القبض على "لي".

تلى ذلك اضطرابات عرقية، مثل تلك التي اندلعت في يوم المولد النبوي الإسلامي (21 يوليو 1964)، بالقرب من معامل الغاز في كـَلانگ، والتي قـُتـِل فيها 23 شخصاً وجـُرح المئات عندما هاجم الصينيون والملايو بعضهم البعض. ومازال سبب اندلاع تلك الاضطرابات موضع خلاف، والنظريات تتضمن إلقاء شخص صيني زجاجة على احتفال إسلامي، بينما يدفع الآخرون بأن الاضطرابات بدأها شخص من الملايو. اندلع المزيد من الاضطرابات في سبتمبر 1964، وقد نهب المتظاهرون السيارات والمحال، مما دفع كل من تونكو عبد الرحمن ولي كوان يو للظهور علناً لتهدئة الموقف. وقد ارتفعت أسعار الغذاء بدرجة كبيرة أثناء تلك الفترة، بسبب تعطل المواصلات، مما فاقم الوضع.

وبسبب عدم قدرته على حل الأزمة، فقد قرر رئيس الوزراء الماليزي، تونكو عبد الرحمن، أن يطرد سنغافورة من اتحاد ماليزيا، مختاراً أن "يقطع كل الروابط مع حكومة ولاية لم تبد أي اجراء ولاء تجاه الحكومة المركزية". وقد كان "لي" مصراً وحاول التوصل لترضية، إلا أنه لم يفلح. وقد أقنعه لاحقاً گو كنگ سوي أن الانفصال لا مندوحة عنه. فوقـّع لي كوان يو اتفاقية الإنفصال في 7 أغسطس 1965، التي ناقشت علاقة سنغافورة بماليزيا بعد الانفصال لمواصلة التعاون في مجالات مثل التجارة والدفاع المشترك.

رئيس الوزراء "لي" يعلن انفصال سنغافورة عن اتحاد ماليزيا في 9 أغسطس 1965.

كان فشل الإندماج صدمة قوية للي، الذي آمن بأهميته لبقاء سنغافورة. وفي مؤتمر صحفي متلفز، انهار عاطفياً أثناء اعلانه الانفصال للشعب (هذا المؤتمر بالذات يستدل به مؤيدو "لي" على أنه لم يكن المُشعِل، عن قصد، لنار تفتيت ماليزيا):

"بالنسبة لي، فهذه لحظة كرب. فلقد آمنت طوال حياتي، حياتي البالغة، بإندماج ووحدة المنطقتين. ... والآن، فها أنا ذا، لي كوان يو، رئيس وزراء سنغافورة، أصرح هنا وأعلن نيابة عن شعب وحكومة سنغافورة أنه من اليوم، التاسع من أغسطس في سنة ألف وتسعمائة وخمس وستين، فسوف تكون سنغافورة إلى الأبد أمة مستقلة ومستقلة ذات سيادة، مؤسسة على مبادئ الحرية والعدالة وتسعى دوماً لرفاهية وسعادة الشعب في مجتمع هو الأكثر مساواة وعدالة."

وفي ذلك اليوم، 9 أغسطس 1965، أقر البرلمان الماليزي التشريع المطلوب الذي سيقطع صلات سنغافورة بماليزيا كولاية، وبذلك نشأت جمهورية سنغافورة. فقدان سنغافورة للموارد الطبيعية، ولمصدر للماء العذب، لقدراتها الدفاعية المحدودة كانوا تحديات كبيرة واجهها "لي" والحكومة السنغافورية.

رئيس وزراء وبعد الإستقلال - 1965 حتى 1990

في سيرته، أعلن لي كوان يو أنه لم يكن ينام جيداً، وأنه سقط مريضاً بعد أيام من استقلال سنغافورة. بعد معرفة حالة لي من المندوب السامي البريطاني لدى سنغافورة، جون روب، عبر رئيس الوزراء البريطاني هارولد ويلسون عن قلقه، والذي بناءاً عليه، كتب رداً على لي:

"لا تقلق على سنغافورة. أنا زملائي عقلانيين، أشخاص منطقيين حتى في لحظات الألم. سنزن جميع العواقب المحتملة قبل أن نقوم بأي خطوة على رقعة الشطرنج السياسية..."

وفي عام 1990 ترك لي كوان يو منصبه كرئيس وزراء سنغافورة، ليخلفه مساعده گوه تشوك تونگ، فيما اعتبر مرحلة انتقالية لتوريث المنصب لابن لي.

السياسة الخارجية

ماليزيا ومهاتير محمد

مضى لي قدماً في تحسين العلاقات مع مهاتير محمد بالتوصية على الأخير لدى نائب رئيس الوزراء. مع معرفته أن مهاتير كان مرشحاً لتولي منصب رئيس وزراء ماليزيا، قام لي بدعوة مهاتير (عن طريق رئيس سنغافورة المستقبلي دڤان ناير) لزيارة سنافورة عام 1978. وطدت الزيارة الأولى والزيارات اللاحقة العلاقات الشخصية والدبلوماسية بينهما. أخبر مهاتير لي بقطع العلاقات مع زعماء حزب الحراك الديمقراطي الصيني؛ في المقابل، تعهد مهاتير بعدم التدخل في شؤون سنغافوريو الملايو.

في ديسمبر 1981، غير مهاتير منطقة توقيت شبه جزيرة الملايو بهدف إنشاء منطقة توقيت واحدة لماليزيا، وقام لي بالمثل لأسباب اقتصادية واجتماعية. تحسنت العلاقات مع مهاتير تدريجياً عام 1982.

في يناير 1984، فرض مهاتير ضريبة RM100 على جميع مركبات البضائع المغادرة ماليزيا وسنغافورة. ومع ذلك، فعندما حاول موسى حيتام إعاقة سياسة مخاتير، تم مضاعفة الضريبة لإعاقة إستخدام ميناء سنغافورة، وبدا الانهيار واضحاً في العلاقات مع ماليزيا.

في يونيو 1988، وصل لي ومهاتير إلى اتفاقية كبرى في كوالا لمپور لبناء خزان لينگوي على نهر جوهور. تقرب لي من مهاتير عام 1989، عندما نوى إلغاء جمارك السكك الحديدية من تانجونگ پگار في جنوب سنغافورة إلى وودلاندز عند نهاية على نهاية الطريق، ويرجع هذا جزئياً إلى زيادة عدد حالات تهريب المخدرات في سنغافورة. تسبب هذا بحالة استياء في ماليزيا، حيث سترد بعض الأراضي إلى سنغافورة عندما يتوقف استخدام مسارات السكك الحديدية. رداً على هذا، قام مهاتيير بتكليف دايم زين الدين، وزير الية ماليزيا المستقبلي، لوضع الشروط.

بعد شهور من المفاوضات، تم التوصل لاتفاقية تنص على التنمية المشتركة لثلاث قطع رئيسية من الأراضي في تانجونگ پگار، كرانجي، وودلاندز. كانت حصة ماليزيا 60 بالمائة، بينما كانت حصة سنغافورة 40 بالمائة. تم التوقيع على نقاط الاتفاقية في 27 نوفمبر 1990، قبل يوم من تنحي لي عن منصب رئيس الوزراء.

الولايات المتحدة

In his book "The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew", Lee detailed an incident where in 1960, the CIA allegedly attempted to bribe certain members of his party, the PAP, in an attempt to create division and weaken his leadership, however the official had reported the bribery attempt instead of accepting the money.[45][46] According to Lee, this was part of a broader strategy by the United States to influence the political landscape in Southeast Asia during the Cold War.[47] He mentioned that he confronted the CIA's representative in Singapore and demanded an explanation and compensation for this interference. After having two CIA agents arrested, Lee requested 3.5 million dollars in economic aid in exchange for the covert release of the two agents. The Americans rejected this offer and presented a counter-offer of 3.3 million dollars to be given directly to Lee and the People's Action Party, but the men were later released without any financial exchange. However instead of taking a passive approach, Lee negotiated with the CIA and eventually the US government agreed to pay a sum of 3.3 million dollars in formal economic aid to Singapore, which Lee claimed was to ensure that the U.S. would not interfere in Singapore's internal affairs. Lee revealed this incident in 1965, which led to the Americans to deny it ever occurred; however, Lee later made public a letter of apology from the US Secretary of State Dean Rusk over the incident.[48][49][50]

Lee Kuan Yew and his wife Kwa Geok Choo with United States President Ronald Reagan and his wife Nancy Reagan on 8 October 1985 at the White House

Lee fully supported the US involvement in the Vietnam War. Even as the war began to lose its popularity in the United States, Lee made his first official visit to the United States in October 1967, and declared to President Lyndon B. Johnson that his support for the war in Vietnam was "unequivocal". Lee saw the war as necessary for states in Southeast Asia like Singapore to buy time for stabilising their governments and economies.[51][52] Lee cultivated close relationships with presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan,[53] as well as former secretaries of state Henry Kissinger[54] and George Shultz.[55] In 1967 Nixon, who was running for president in 1968, visited Singapore and met with Lee, who advised that the United States had much to gain by engaging with China, culminating in Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China.[56]

In the 1980s, closer defence relations between Singapore and the United States enabled Singapore to acquire advanced American weapon platforms and capabilities. The United States provided Singapore with aircraft such as the F-16 and the E-2C airborne early warning (AEW) to strengthen its air defences.[57]

In October 1985, Lee made a state visit to the United States on the invitation of President Reagan and addressed a joint session of the United States Congress. Lee stressed to Congress the importance of free trade and urged it not to turn towards protectionism:

It is inherent in America's position as the preeminent economic, political and military power to have to settle and uphold the rules for orderly change and progress... In the interests of peace and security America must uphold the rules of international conduct which rewards peaceful cooperative behaviour and punishes transgressions of the peace. A replay of the depression of the 1930s, which led to World War II, will be ruinous for all. All the major powers of the West share the responsibility of not repeating this mistake. But America's is the primary responsibility, for she is the anchor economy of the free-market economies of the world.[53]

In May 1988, E. Mason "Hank" Hendrickson was serving as the First Secretary of the United States Embassy when he was expelled by the Singapore government.[58][59] The Singapore government alleged that Hendrickson attempted to interfere in Singapore's internal affairs by cultivating opposition figures in a "Marxist conspiracy".[60] Then-First Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong claimed that Hendrickson's alleged conspiracy could have resulted in the election of 20 or 30 opposition politicians to Parliament, which in his words could lead to "horrendous" effects, possibly even the paralysis and fall of the Singapore government.[61] In the aftermath of Hendrickson's expulsion, the U.S. State Department praised Hendrickson's performance in Singapore and denied any impropriety in his actions.[58] The State Department also expelled Robert Chua, a senior-level Singaporean diplomat equal in rank to Hendrickson, from Washington, D.C., in response.[62][63] The State Department's refusal to reprimand Hendrickson, along with its expulsion of the Singaporean diplomat, sparked a rare protest in Singapore by the National Trades Union Congress; they drove buses around the U.S. embassy, held a rally attended by four thousand workers, and issued a statement deriding the U.S. as "sneaky, arrogant, and untrustworthy".[64]

الصين

Singapore did not establish diplomatic relations with China until the U.S. and Southeast Asia had decided they wanted to do so in order to avoid portraying a pro-China bias.[65][66] His official visits to China starting in 1976 were conducted in English, to assure other countries that he represented Singapore, and not a "Third China" (the first two being the Republic of China and People's Republic of China).[67]

In November 1978, after China had stabilised following political turmoil in the aftermath of Mao Zedong's death and the Gang of Four, Deng Xiaoping visited Singapore and met Lee. Deng, who was very impressed with Singapore's economic development, greenery and housing, and later sent tens of thousands of Chinese to Singapore and countries around the world to learn from their experiences and bring back their knowledge as part of the opening of China beginning in December 1978. Lee, on the other hand, advised Deng to stop exporting Communist ideologies to Southeast Asia, an advice that Deng later followed.[68][69] This culminated in the exchange of Trade Offices between the two nations in September 1981.[70] In 1985, commercial air services between mainland China and Singapore commenced[71] and China appointed Goh Keng Swee, Singapore's finance minister in the post-independence years, as advisor on the development of Special Economic Zones.[72]

On 3 October 1990, Singapore revised diplomatic relations from the Republic of China to the People's Republic of China.

كمبوديا

Lee opposed the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978.[73] The Singapore government organised an international campaign to condemn Vietnam and provided aid to the Khmer Rouge which was fighting against Vietnamese occupation during the Cambodian–Vietnamese War from 1978 to 1989. In his memoirs, Lee recounted that in 1982, "Singapore gave the first few hundreds of several batches of AK-47 rifles, hand grenades, ammunition and communication equipment" to the Khmer Rouge resistance forces.[74][75]

الوزير الكبير - 1990 حتى 2004

لي كوان يو (وسط) يقابل وزير الدفاع الأمريكي وليام كوهن وسفير سنغافورة في الولايات المتحدة تشان هنگ تشي في 2000.

After leading the PAP to victory in seven elections, Lee stepped down on 28 November 1990, handing over the prime ministership to Goh Chok Tong.[76] By that time, he had become the world's longest-serving prime minister.[77] This was the first leadership transition since independence. Goh was elected as the new Prime Minister by the younger ministers then in office. When Goh Chok Tong became head of government, Lee remained in the cabinet with a non-executive position of Senior Minister[78] and played a role he described as advisory. Lee subsequently stepped down as secretary-general of the PAP and was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong on 2 December 1992.[79]

Condominium rebates

المقالة الرئيسية: 1995 Hotel Properties Limited apartment sales

In April 1996, Lee and his son, Lee Hsien Loong, disclosed that they had purchased apartments located at Nassim Jade and Scotts 28 from Hotel Properties Ltd, a real estate developer listed on the Stock Exchange of Singapore, at substantial discounts ranging from 5 to 12 per cent.[80] The dispute arose amidst rampant property speculation in Singapore.[81] Upon learning of the issue, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong swiftly initiated an immediate investigation into the matter. While Singapore law permits the provision of special discounts or rebates to relatives and associates of directors, it is imperative that such transactions receive approval from shareholders.[82]

This disclosure prompted sufficient public disquiet for Lee to appear before Parliament to explain the purchases.[83] Lee said that as he was a prominent figure, the developer had a "legitimate incentive" to provide discounts for publicity, and that he had previously purchased a car and acquired services from his tailor and cobbler at a discount.[84] The amount saved was donated to charity.[81]

المرض والوفاة

المقالة الرئيسية: Death and state funeral of Lee Kuan Yew
The State flag flying at half-mast at the Nanyang Technological University (NTU) following the death of Lee Kuan Yew
ڤيديو خارجي
State funeral service for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew on 29 March 2015, Prime Minister's Office

On 15 February 2013, Lee was admitted to Singapore General Hospital following a prolonged cardiac dysrhythmia, which was followed by a brief stoppage of blood flow to the brain.[85][86][87][88] For the first time in his career as a Member of Parliament (MP), Lee missed the annual Chinese New Year dinner at his constituency, where he was supposed to be the guest-of-honour.[89][90] He was subsequently discharged, but continued to receive anti-coagulant therapy.[91][92][93]

The following year, Lee missed his constituency's Chinese New Year dinner for the second consecutive time owing to bodily bacterial invasion.[94] In April 2014, a photo depicting a thin and frail Lee was released online, drawing strong reactions from netizens.[95] According to Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, Lee had discussed euthanasia which is not a legal option in Singapore.[96][97]

On 5 February 2015, Lee was hospitalised for pneumonia and was put on a ventilator at the intensive care unit of Singapore General Hospital, although his condition was reported initially as "stable".[98][99] A 26 February update stated that he was again being given antibiotics, while being sedated and still under mechanical ventilation.[100][101] From 17 to 22 March, Lee continued weakening as he developed an infection while on life support, and he was described as "critically ill".[102][103][104]

On 18 March that year, a death hoax website reported false news of Lee's death. The suspect is an unidentified minor who created a false webpage that resembled the PMO official website.[105] Several international news organisations reported on Lee's death based on this and later retracted their statements.[106][107]

On 23 March 2015, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced his father's death at the age of 91.[108] Lee had died at 03:18 Singapore Standard Time (UTC+08:00).[108][109] A week of national mourning took place,[110] during which time Lee was lying in state at Parliament House. As a mark of respect, State flags at all Government buildings were flown at half-mast. During this time, 1.7 million Singaporean residents as well as world leaders paid tribute to him at Parliament house and community tribute sites throughout the country.[111][112][113] A state funeral for Lee was held on 29 March and attended by world leaders.[114] Later that day, Lee was cremated in a private ceremony at the Mandai Crematorium.[115]

شجرة العائلة

لي وزوجته كوا گيوك تشو اقترنا في 30 سبتمبر، 1950. ولهما ابنان وابنة واحدة.[116]

ملاحظة: شجرة العائلة مبنية في الأساس على ذكريات لي كوان يو؛ پن‌ين اللقب "لي" هو Li
Lee Bok Boon
b.1846		Seow Huan Neo
b.1850.est
Lee Hoon Leong
و.1871		Ko Liem Nio
و.1883
Lee Chin Koon
و.1903		Chua Jim Neo
b.1907
لي كوان يو
و.1923		كوا گيوك چو
و.1921
Wong Ming Yang
b.1951		لي شيين لونگ
و.1952		Ho Ching
b.1953		Lee Wei Ling
b.1955		لي شيين يانگ
و.1957		Lim Suet Fern
و.1957
Lee Xiu Qi
و.1980		Li Hongyi
b.1987		Li Shengwu
و.1985
Lee Yi Peng
و.1982		Li Haoyi
b.1989		Li Huanwu
b.1988.est
Li Shaowu
b.1995.est

أسرته

ابنه الأكبر لي شيين لونگ أصبح رئيس الوزراء منذ عام 2004.

ويسيطر أفراد عائلة لي على كافة المناصب الهامة في سنغافورة، ويشغل ابناؤه وابنته مناصب حكومية رفيعة. ابنه الأكبر لي شيان لونگ، بريگادير جنرال سابق، أصبح رئيساً للوزراء منذ 2004. وهو أيضاً نائب رئيس حكومة شركة استثمارات سنغافورة (GIC) — لي نفسه هو رئيس الشركة. أما نجل لي الأصغر، لي شيان يانگ، فهو أيضاً بريگادير جنرال سابق ورئيس سابق وكبير الضباط التنفيذيين لشركة سنگ‌تل، عملاق الاتصالات في أرجاء آسيا وكبرى شركات سنغافورة حسب رسملة السوق (مدرجة في بورصة سنغافورة، SGX). ستة وخمسون بالمائة من سنگ‌تل تملكها تماسك القابضة، وهي شركة قابضة حكومية بارزة لها حصص مسيطرة في مختلف الشركات الهائلة المرتبطة بالحكومة، مثل سنگاپور أيرلاينز و DBS Bank. تماسك القابضة بدورها يديرها المدير التنفيذي ورئيس مجلس الادارة هو چينگ، زوجة ابن "لي" الأكبر، رئيس الوزراء. ابنة "لي"، لي وِيْ لينگ، تدير معهد علم الأعصاب الوطني، وتظل عزباء. زوجة لي، كوا گيوك چو هي رئيسة سنگاپور تكنولوجيز، أكبر شركة قابضة حكومية في سنغافورة. وكانت أيضاً شريكة في أكبر شركة محاماة بسنغافورة، Lee & Lee. شقيقاه الصغيران، دنيس وفردي وسوان يو كانوا شركاء في نفس مكتب المحاماة.. وله أيضاً شقيقة صغرى، مونيكا.

طالما نفى لي تهم محاباة الأقارب, الجدل بأن أعضاء العائلة يحظون بمناصب مرموقة لمجرد صلاتهم العائلية. إلا أن تلك الاتهامات ظلت رائجة والصحف العالمية مثل مجلة الإكونومست، هرالد تريبيون وفار إيسترن إكونوميك رڤيو تلقوا تهديدات، أو ملاحقات قضائية أو حـُظِروا في سنغافورة لتلميحهم بوجود محاباة عائلية.

ذكراه ومذكراته

ذكراه

أثناء العقود الثلاثة التي شغل فيها لي المنصب، نمت سنغافورة من بلد نامي إلى واحدة من أكثر الدول تقدماً في آسيا، بالرغم من عدد سكانها الصغير، المساحة المحدودة من الأراضي وفقدان الموارد الطبعيية. دائماً ما أعلن لي أن الموارد الطبيعية الوحيدة لسنغافورة هي شعبها وأخلاقيات عملهم القوية. يحظى لي بتقدير الكثير من السنغافوريين، خاصة الجيل القديم، الذين يتذكرون زعامته الملهمة أثناء الاستقلال وبعد الانفصال عن ماليزيا. عادة ما ينسب له كونه معماري الازدهار الحالي لسنغافورة، بالرغم من أن هذا الدور كان يلعبه أيضاً نائبه، د. گوه كنگ سوي، الذي كان وزيراً للاقتصاد.

خطورة فقدان الهوية الأصلية.


جدل

لي كوان يو يشرح ما أسماه "سلوك العالم الثالث" وكيف حاربه، في حديث مع تشارلي روز.

من جهة أخرى، انتقده بعض السنغافوريين والأجانب كنخبوي وحتى كأوتوتقراطي، وأن ذلك الازدهار الاقتصادي في عهد لي تم إنجازه على حساب الكثير من الحريات السياسية والاجتماعية. وهناك مقولة للي بأنه يفضل أن يكون مخيفاً عن أن يكون محبوباً. [1] معتقداً أن الغاية تبرر الوسيلة، عادة ما فرض لي تدابير معينة، رآها البعض، للحفاظ على الأمن والمصالح القومية.

انتقد لي لتطبيقه بعض التدابير الصارمة لقمع المعارضة السياسية وحرية التعبير، مثل تجريم المظاهرات العامة بدون إذن صريح من الشرطة، تقييد حرية الصحافة، واستخدام الدعاوى الكيدية لتشويه المعارضين السياسيين، مثل جوشوا بنجامين جيارتنام، تانگ ليانگ هونگ وچي سون جوان. القضايا السياسية، نادراً ما كانت تسترعي انتباه الرأي العام.

حول القضية المذكورة أعلان، دڤان ناير، ثالث رؤساء سنغافورة الذي عاش بالمنفى في كندا، صرح في لقاء عام 1999 مع صحيفة ذه گلوبال آند ميل الكندية أن تقنية لي في مقاضاته معارضيه بقضايا الإفلاس أو oblivion كان إلغاء للحقوق السياسية. وعلق أيضاً أن لي 'يرى نفسه من الصالحين'، محاط "بمتجر من الدمى". رداً على هذه الملاحظات، رفع لي دعوى على دڤان ناير في محكمة كندية و Nair countersued.[117] بعدها أحضر لي مذكرة لرفض إدعاء ناير المقابل. زعم لي أن إدعاء ناير المقابل disclosed no reasonable cause of action وحوكم بسبب الهجوم على نزاهة حكومة سنغافورة. ومع ذلك، فقد رفضت محكمة العدل العليا في اونتاريو رفض دعوى ناير، واتفقت على أن لي قد انتهك اجراءات التقاضي ومن ثم فإن ناير لديه سبب معقول للإجراء. [2]. بعد وفاته، نشرت الإكونومست سجل نعي ناير الذي كان عبارة عن نقدا للي كوان يو. القضية التالية، نشرت الإكونومست رسالة من مسئول سنغافوري يزعم أن ثمالة ناير كانت السبب في اضطرابه العقلي في سنواته الأخيرة. لم تنشر الإكونومست الرسائل الأخرى المدعمة لناير لأن النشر سيدخلها تحت طائلة محاكمة تشهير مطولة أخرى.

قصة سنغافورة - مذكرات لي كوان يو. لقراءة الكتاب، اضغط على الصورة.

في إحدى المناسبات، بعد إلغاء مجلس الخاصة لحكم المحكمة الصادر لصالح لي، ألغت الحكومة حق الإستئناف أمام المجلس. على مدار سنوات رئاسة وزراء لي من 1959 حتى 1990، تم التذرع بقانون الأمن الداخلي عدة مرات لإعتقال أو سجن عدد من الأشخاص بدون محاكمة، في كثير من الأحيان لتورطهم في أنشطة شيوعية أو ماركسية. چيا تيه پوه، البرلماني السابق عن حزب اشتراكيي بارزيان المعارض، سجن 32 سنة، من بينهم عشر سنوات في منتجع جزيرة سنتوسا. لمنح السلطة الكاملة للقضاة في أحكامهم القضائةي، ألغى لي نظام هيئة الملحفين في المحاكم. زعم أن المحلفين كانوا أكثر ميلاً للمدعى عليه في حين أن القاضي أكثر موضوعية وحيادية.

مذكرات

كتب لي كوان يو مذكراته في جزئين: قصة سنغافورة (ISBN 0-13-020803-5)، والتي تغطي آراؤوه في تاريخ سنغافورة حتى انفصالها عن ماليزيا عام 1965، ومن العالم الثالث إلى الأول: قصة سنغافورة (ISBN 0060197765)، والي يتضمن روايته للانتقال اللاحق لسنغافورة من دولة نامية إلى دولة متقدمة.


مواقف سياسية

المقالة الرئيسية: المواقف السياسية للي كوان يو
إضراب طياري الخطوط السنغافورية عن العمل وكيف تصرف معهم الرئيس لي كوان يو مؤسس سنغافورة الحديثة.
نصيحة لي كوان يو لفتاة في السابعة والعشرين: الزواج أهم من الدكتوراه.

انتقاد تهميش الصينيين

On 15 September 2006, at the Raffles Forum hosted by the School of Public Policy, Lee made a remark as to how the "Malaysian and Indonesian governments systematically marginalise its Chinese people", by bringing up topics such as the May 1998 riots of Indonesia and Ketuanan Melayu, which subsequently caused a short diplomatic spat.[118] He then described the systematic marginalisation of the Chinese in Malaysia, which aroused a strong response from the Malaysian government. Politicians in Malaysia and Indonesia expressed dissatisfaction with this and demanded the Singaporean government explain and apologise for Lee's remarks.[119][120]

Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad criticised Lee Kuan Yew for his "arrogance and disrespect" for neighbouring countries and countered that Malaysia could also question Singapore's marginalisation of its local Malays and other minorities such as the Eurasians and Indians. Former Indonesian President B. J. Habibie also described the "little red dot" term in reference to Singapore as an incentive for Indonesian youth to learn from Singapore's achievements, and that the original intention was distorted. On 30 September, while Lee Kuan Yew apologised to the Malaysian Prime Minister at the time Abdullah Badawi for his remarks,[121][122][123] he did not fully retract his remarks.[124][125]

تحسين النسل

Alarmed that Singapore's fertility rate was falling precipitously low, Lee launched the Graduate Mothers' Scheme in 1983, giving tax deductions for children to women with university degrees, and priority in admission to primary schools to graduate mothers with three or more children.[126]

In his speech at the 1983 National Day Rally, Lee stated that if women graduates were not in the breeding pool, society might become more "stupid" and that "there will be less bright people to support dumb people in the next generation."[127][128]

In June 1984, Lee's government rolled out grants for low-income and low-education women to undergo sterilisation. If a woman and her husband had no O-level passes and fewer than three children, the woman could receive a $10,000 grant for undergoing sterilisation. Sterilised lower-class parents were also given priority primary school admission for their existing first and second children. The uproar over the proposal contributed to a swing of 12.9 per cent against the People's Action Party in the general election held later that year (though the party still won a dominant 64% of the popular vote and won the vast majority of seats). In 1985, especially controversial portions of the policy that gave education and housing priorities to educated women were eventually abandoned or modified. A proponent of nature over nurture, Lee averred that "intelligence is 80% nature and 20% nurture" and attributed the successes of his children to genetics.[129]

الإسلام

In 1999, in a discussion forum, Lee Kuan Yew was asked whether the emotional bonds of various ethnic groups in Singapore could be a hurdle to nation building, Lee replied by alluding that an ethnic Malay and highly religious officer of the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) might be hesitant to engage against an hypothetical war with Singapore's direct neighbours such as Malaysia.[130]

In 2011, leaked diplomatic cables attributed to Lee some controversial comments regarding Islam. The cables quoted Lee as having described Islam as a "venomous religion". Lee called the remarks "false" and looked up to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA)'s filenote of the meeting and found no record of the claim, stating that he was referring to extremists such as the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI). He added that he recognises that Muslims in Singapore are largely rational and that one of the solutions to extremism was to give "moderate Muslims the courage to stand up and speak out against radicals who hijacked Islam to recruit volunteers for their violent ends".[131][132]

In his book Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going, Lee stated that Singaporean Muslims faced difficulties in integrating because of their religion and urged them to "be less strict on Islamic observances". His remarks drew fire from Malay–Muslim leaders and MPs in Singapore, prompting a strong reaction from his son Lee Hsien Loong, the Prime Minister at that time, who said his views differs from his father and that he values and respects the Malay–Muslim community "who have done a good deal to strengthen our harmony and social cohesion." Lee Kuan Yew eventually made a further comment that his comment was "out of date" and that he recognises the efforts made by Muslims to integrate with the other communities.[133][134]

المثلية

Section 377A of the Penal Code, which was first introduced in 1938 under British colonial rule that criminalised sex between adult males, remained enforced under Lee's premiership. In his later years, Lee appeared to become more supportive of LGBTQ+ issues and rights, expressing a belief that homosexuality was genetic and questioning the rationale behind its criminalisation.[135][136] In 2007, he believed that homosexuality would eventually be accepted in Singapore, but advocated for a measured and "pragmatic approach" toward the matter "to maintain social cohesion."[137] Section 377A was eventually repealed in 2022.

العقوبة الجسدية

المقالة الرئيسية: Caning in Singapore

One of Lee's abiding beliefs was in the efficacy of corporal punishment in the form of caning.[138] In his autobiography The Singapore Story, Lee described his time at Raffles Institution in the 1930s, mentioning that he was often caned there for chronic lateness by the then headmaster, D. W. McLeod. He added that he never understood why Western educationists were so much against corporal punishment as "it did my fellow students and me no harm".[139]

Lee's government inherited judicial corporal punishment from British rule, but greatly expanded its scope. Under the British, it had been used as a penalty for offences involving personal violence, amounting to a handful of caning sentences per year. The PAP government under Lee extended its use to an ever-expanding range of crimes.[140] By 1993, it was mandatory for 42 offences and optional for a further 42.[141] Those routinely ordered by the courts to be caned now include drug addicts and illegal immigrants. From 602 canings in 1987, the figure rose to 3,244 in 1993[142] and to 6,404 in 2007.[143]

In 1994, judicial caning was publicised in the rest of the world when an American teenager, Michael P. Fay, was caned under the vandalism legislation.[138] School corporal punishment (for male students only) was likewise inherited from the British, and is still in use in schools, permitted under legislation from 1957.[144] Lee also introduced caning in the Singapore Armed Forces, and Singapore is one of the few countries in the world where corporal punishment is an official penalty in military discipline.[145]

الصحافة

In his interview with Charlie Rose in October 2000, when asked whether he believed in the idea of a free press, Lee responded "I believe in truth" and "I don't believe that the press should be crusading and putting a spin on things" and asserted that newspapers should keep news reporting and editorials separate.[146]

الهجرة

Lee believed that the benefits of immigration had to be carefully balanced against the associated "social load". In a speech he made in 1971, Lee explained that it was necessary to have non-Singapore workers take up jobs that Singaporeans were not willing to do, but observed that it was important that the number of such migrant workers be carefully controlled because "[t]hey dirty the place... they litter... if you take too many... they will bring us down to their values because it's easier to be untidy, scruffy, dirty, anti-social than to be disciplined, well-behaved and a good citizen".[147]

الحياة الشخصية

للمزيد من المعلومات: Lee family (Singapore)
Lee and Kwa in 1950 at their wedding.

Lee and his wife, Kwa Geok Choo, were married on 30 September 1950. Both spoke English as their first language. Lee first started learning Chinese in 1955, at the age of 32.[148][149] During World War II, he learned the Japanese language to help him survive, and worked as a Japanese translator during the Japanese occupation of Singapore.[150]

Lee and Kwa have two sons and a daughter.[151] His elder son Lee Hsien Loong, was the third prime minister of Singapore. Several members of the Lee family hold prominent positions in the Singapore society. His younger son Lee Hsien Yang was president and CEO of SingTel, and Chairman of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore (CAAS).[152] Lee's daughter Lee Wei Ling, a neurologist and epileptologist, was director of the National Neuroscience Institute. Lee's daughter-in-law Ho Ching, was executive director and CEO of Temasek Holdings.[152][153] His wife Kwa Geok Choo, died on 2 October 2010, at the age of 89.

Lee had variously described himself as an agnostic[154] and a "nominal Buddhist".[155] He also mentioned that he was brought up in a family which practiced Chinese ancestor worship but stopped after his father died,[154] and that he "neither [denies] nor [accepts] that there is a God".[156][157] In his later years, Lee practised meditation under the tutelage of Benedictine monk Laurence Freeman, director of the World Community for Christian Meditation.[154][158]

Lee was diagnosed with dyslexia in adulthood.[159]

Lee was a founding member of the Fondation Chirac's honour committee, which was launched by former French President Jacques Chirac to promote world peace.[160] He was also a member of David Rockefeller's "International Council", which included Henry Kissinger, Riley P. Bechtel, George Shultz and others. Additionally, he was one of the "Forbes' Brain Trust", along with Paul Johnson and Ernesto Zedillo.

جوائز

لي يحصل على مرتبة الصداقة من الرئيس الروسي دميتري مدڤييدڤ في 15 نوفمبر 2009 في سنغافورة

انظر أيضاً

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مصادر ثانوية

  • Barr, Michael D. 2000. Lee Kuan Yew: The Beliefs Behind the Man. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press.
  • Josey, Alex. 1980. Lee Kuan Yew — The Crucial Years. Singapore and Kuala Lumpur: Times Books International.
  • Kwang, Han Fook, Warren Fernandez and Sumiko Tan. 1998. Lee Kuan Yew: The Man and His Ideas. Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings.
  • Minchin, James. 1986. No Man is an Island. A Study of Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.

وصلات خارجية

مشاع المعرفة فيه ميديا متعلقة بموضوع لي كوان يو.
سبقه
لا أحد (منصب مستحدث) 		رئيس وزراء سنغافورة
3 يونيو 1959 – 28 نوفمبر 1990 		تبعه
گو تشوك تونگ
سبقه
لا أحد 		الأمين العام لحزب الحراك الشعبي
1954–1992
سبقه
س. راجاراتنام 		الوزير الأكبر
1990–2004
سبقه
هون سوي سن 		وزير المالية
1983 		تبعه
توني تان
سبقه
لا أحد (منصب مستحدث) 		الوزير المفكر
2004 – الحاضر 		الحالي

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